Category Archives: Magnifying the antisemitism scare

Jewish volunteers for racial supremacy in Palestine

Jewish volunteers for racial supremacy in Palestine

by Joseph Massad
The Electronic Intifada
4 August 2014

The European Christian fight for anti-Semitism was always a fight to grant Christians superior rights to Jews and to institutionalize that superiority as racial and religious supremacy.

In response, the European Jewish fight against anti-Semitism was and remains a fight against the reduction of the rights of Jews (if not their elimination altogether in the case of the Nazis), against the project to render European Jews an inferior species of citizens, and against white European Christian supremacy.

This has been a historical fight that multitudes of non-Jews have joined on both sides. However, ultimately it was European Jewish fighters against anti-Semitism and their gentile allies who won this key battle against inequality, oppression, racial and religious discrimination and genocide.

The European Jewish and Protestant fight (the latter preceded the former by three centuries) for Zionism, in contrast, has been and remains a fight to grant European Jews more rights than non-Jews (and non-European Jews) on a religious, ethnic and racial basis.

This superiority would be granted especially vis-à-vis Palestinian citizens of the Jewish settler-colony (if not eliminating their rights altogether as many Zionist Jews call for), as well as eliminating the rights of the Palestinians in the territories Israel occupied and colonized since 1967 and those it expelled and exiled since 1948 outside the borders of their homeland.

Multitudes of Jews and non-Jews have also joined this historical fight for racism, discrimination and colonialism. The Palestinians and their Jewish and non-Jewish allies refuse to give up and continue to resist Zionism’s insistence that European (and other) Jews must have superior and supremacist colonial, racial and religious rights in Palestine.

The Jewish fight for Zionism (which has never included and still does not include all Jews) is the exact opposite of the Jewish fight against anti-Semitism (which also never included all Jews); the former is a fight for European Jewish supremacy while the latter is against European Aryan and Christian supremacy.

This in a nutshell exposes the outright Zionist lie that claims that the struggle against anti-Semitism and the struggle for Zionism are one and the same.

Recruiting Jews to kill Palestinians

This is important to consider when we examine the international Zionist Jewish brigades that have volunteered to join the Israeli colonial army with much eagerness to kill Arabs and Palestinians. This has been a successful project in light of the mobilizational Zionist and Israeli Jewish propaganda in the last seven decades among the Jewish communities of the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Canada, Russia and Argentina, to name the most prominent Jewish communities outside Israel.

This propaganda campaign aimed at transforming members of these communities from fighters against white Christian supremacy into fighters for European Jewish racial and colonial supremacy.

The dissemination of racist Israeli Jewish culture internationally goes hand-in-hand with Zionism’s pan-Jewishism, whereby, just as anti-Semitism speaks against all Jews, Zionism claims to speak for all of them — and reassures Jews that Israel is their country and that they should move to colonize it, failing which it would function as a spare country awaiting their arrival on a need to colonize basis.

That the major North American and European organizations that claim to speak for Jews have endorsed Israel’s right to speak for them and have been the major conduits for the hateful racist Israeli Jewish propaganda against the Palestinian people makes them fully complicit in the ongoing slaughter and oppression of the Palestinians. This is especially so given that they openly support anti-Palestinian Israeli colonial policies and urge their respective governments and media to do the same. (We must keep in mind these organizations and their wealthy leaders are not elected by members of the Jewish communities but appoint themselves as their representatives and speak for them in these organizations’ newspapers, which constitute what is referred to as the “Jewish” press.)

This is not to say that members of the Jewish communities are not pro-Israel and fervently anti-Palestinian, which they are in their majority, but it is to say that polls have shown them to be less murderous and hateful than the organizations claiming to represent them.

Thus, Israel has created a hegemonic racist Jewish culture that does not only dominate Israeli Jewish communities but also Jewish communities in Europe and its settler colonial extensions (in the Americas, in Australia and in South Africa). This, however, was never sufficiently successful to produce millions of Jewish volunteers for Israel’s colonial cause (no matter how much European and American Jews support Zionism and Israel, few would want to fight or die for it). But it did create the conditions for thousands of young Jewish (mostly male) fighters for European racial supremacy to join the Israeli colonial army seeking to prove the superiority of European Jewishness (and a concomitant European Jewish manliness) by slaughtering Palestinians.

The Israeli colonial army advertises several programs to accommodate international Jewish volunteers for the oppression of the Palestinians. It provides them with the option to serve in the Israeli army in “full combat and support roles,” namely in its “Mahal” program, to fulfill their commitment to the Zionist cause of European Jewish supremacy without necessarily having to become Israeli citizens.
There is also the smaller “Marva” program in which young teenage Jewish recruits for Zionist Jewish supremacy can participate “in this immersive army program, serving alongside fellows from countries around the world.”

Israel’s killing machine proudly declares that “over 300 Jewish teens from all around the world volunteer to serve” in the Israeli colonial army annually as part of the four thousand “Jewish and non-Jewish” volunteers who “fly to Israel and volunteer in the IDF [Israeli military] for several weeks.” These may not be impressive numbers, but there are more.

One of the programs engineered to recruit Jewish youth for racial and religious supremacy is the “Garin Tzabar” project. Garin Tzabar means “cactus seed,” or “Sabra seed,” in reference to Palestine-born Israeli Jews, hence the importance of this program as a reproductive and masculinist project aimed at populating the Jewish settler-colony with more Zionist Jews committed to the superiority of European (and other) Jews over Palestinians.

Garin Tzabar, according to the Israeli colonial army, has “already helped over 1,500 teens from all around the world join the IDF and approximately 70 percent of the immigrants have stayed in Israel after their service.”

Garin Tzabar is not the only volunteer program. There are others like the “Sar-El” program, which claims that it has brought between 1983 and 2011 “more than a hundred thousand volunteers to Israel … 
Staying in Israel for several weeks, the participants share a true IDF experience on IDF bases” (Israel refers to these European and American volunteers for Jewish racial supremacy as “lone soldiers”).
The Israeli military claimed that in 2012, “5,500 lone soldiers” were serving in its colonial forces whereas today it claims to have 4,600 volunteers, one-third of whom are Americans.

In the ongoing barbaric slaughter of Gaza Palestinians, two of the Palestinian baby-killing Jewish soldiers (as I’ve written previously, targeting and killing Palestinian children is an old Zionist tradition) who were killed by the Palestinian resistance were American Jewish volunteers for Jewish racial and colonial supremacy.
They quickly became heroes for the American press, “Jewish” and “gentile” alike. Indeed an article appeared in The Washington Post to show how these baby-killers are different from Muslim foreign fighters who volunteered to overthrow the Afghani communist government and more recently several Arab governments (“‘Foreign Fighters’ for Israel,” David Malet, 22 July 2014). Few, however, mention the White European and American Christian mercenary foreign fighters who have served tyrannies around the word since the Second World War.

Colonial recruitment

These Israeli volunteer programs build on the legacy of the four thousand Jewish volunteers who came to fight the Zionist colonial war of 1948 that captured Palestine and expelled its population and established the European Jewish-supremacist settler-colony. Known as Mahal, the main volunteer program included American Jews as prominent and important members assisting in Israel’s colonial conquest.

They included Mickey Marcus, an American Jewish US Army colonel who became Israel’s first brigadier general. Marcus’ Second World War experience was instrumental in breaking the 1948 “siege of Jerusalem.”

Other important Jewish volunteers included the Canadian officer Ben Dunkelman and US pilot Milton Rubenfeld, as well as British Jewish Major Wellesley Aron who helped in the recruitment of American Jews for Zionism’s colonial war. European and American Christian Zionist mercenaries also helped, especially in the Zionist air force. These colonial volunteers fighting for racism, especially from the UK, constituted almost two-thirds of the settler-colony’s air force during the 1948 war.

David Ben-Gurion, the Jewish settler-colony’s first prime minister, was so thankful to them that he stated that “the Mahal [volunteer] Forces were the Diaspora’s most important contribution to the survival of the State of Israel.” Indeed they were: 123 of them died in that colonial war.

Jews in the struggle against Israeli racism

But unlike Jews inside Israel, Jewish communities in Europe, North and South America, and even in Australia, live in cultures that are not fully controlled by Zionist propaganda and therefore are not fully under the sway of the racist culture that Israel seeks to impose on them. It is this that explains how an increasing number of prominent members in the Jewish communities of the US and the UK, among intellectuals and academics, are in the forefront of the struggle against Israeli Jewish racism and colonialism (in contrast with apartheid South Africa which had a substantial number of white anti-racist activists and intellectuals, only a few Israeli Jewish intellectuals have been able over the decades to escape Israeli racist brainwashing — a feat unto itself).

Today many American Jewish luminaries in academe oppose Israeli policies unreservedly. Whereas once Noam Chomsky was a lone Jewish academic voice critical of Israel, he is today joined by scores of Jewish academics and intellectuals in opposing Israeli policies (of course these Jewish academics along with anti-Zionist gentile academics remain a minority and are outflanked by the much larger Jewish and gentile academics who are militant enemies of Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims).

Some, like the prominent American Jewish philosopher Judith Butler, have surpassed Chomsky in their opposition to Zionist and Israeli racism and colonialism, and are vocal supporters of the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) movement and call for a one-state solution, both of which Chomsky does not support. In fact, a few Palestinian-American academics have also opposed both of these important positions or remained “neutral” on them (some used the rhetorical strategy, of “on the one hand this and on the other hand that”). Though in the last year some, fearing being left outside the leftist mainstream which has adopted these positions, have decided to show a belated “courage” in adopting these positions more than a decade after everyone else has.

And this is not limited to Jewish intellectuals but extends also to Jewish activists, especially groups like Jewish Voice for Peace (which, among many of its anti-racist activities, played an important role in helping Palestinians and others persuade the Presbyterian Church USA to divest from companies profiting from the Israeli occupation), and the countless Jewish students joining, and in a good number of cases, leading groups like Students for Justice in Palestine based on their commitment to fight racism and colonialism, values that are the diametrical opposite of Zionist colonial racism and fascist tribalism.

It is these Jewish fighters against Zionism and Israeli colonialism and racism that are continuing the Jewish fight against anti-Semitism but who remain unsung heroes in the American “Jewish” and “gentile” press that prefers to celebrate baby-killing Zionist Jewish volunteers for Israeli Jewish supremacy instead.

These Jewish fighters against racism have joined the Palestinian people and their international allies (Jewish and gentile alike) in fighting this ongoing historical battle against the forces of racial supremacy and colonial conquest. They understand well, as the Palestinian national movement has always understood, that the fight for Palestinian rights and liberation from the Jewish settler-colony is the latest phase of the historic fight against anti-Semitism and that the fight for Zionism is part of the war for European racial supremacy and colonialism.

The carnage that Israeli Jewish soldiers and international Zionist Jewish brigades of baby-killers are committing in Gaza (and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, let alone against Palestinian citizens of Israel) is but the starkest reminder of this unshakeable conviction.

Joseph Massad is professor of modern Arab politics and intellectual history at Columbia University. He is author of the forthcoming Islam in Liberalism.

Antisemitism in Germany 2010

According to the German daily Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of 20 May 2010,  fewer antisemitic acts have been officially registered in the first three months of this year than last year.  The overall number of such acts in Germany was 184, thereof a single violent act in which no one was hurt. 

The newspaper does not mention the number of anti-Islamic acts.

Deconstructing the WJC campaign for a UN resolution on anti-Semitism

Deconstructing the WJC campaign for a UN resolution on anti-Semitism

Laura Reanda

The Electronic Intifada, 25 January 2005

The World Jewish Congress has launched a campaign for the adoption of a General Assembly resolution condemning anti-Semitism and is circulating a petition asking for support and financial donations.[1] On the face of it, the proposal seems worthwhile and non-controversial: who could possibly object to a statement against anti-Semitism? On closer inspection, however, several questions arise.

 Resolutions condemning anti-Semitism have been adopted by the UN Human Rights Commission since 1994, when the issue was included in the mandate of the special rapporteur on racism and racial discrimination.[2] His reports regularly include information on anti-Semitic incidents supplied by Israel and Jewish NGOs, and are submitted annually to both the Commission and the General Assembly. The rapporteur forwards the allegations to the governments of the countries where incidents have taken place and recommends corrective action. For its part, the Assembly has expressed concern over the reported rise in anti-Semitism in various parts of the world and has endorsed the rapporteur’s recommendations, most recently at the 2004 session.[3]

 The Assembly has also endorsed the final document of the World Conference against Racism held in South Africa in 2001, which (despite all the accusations that continue to be made against it) includes several paragraphs on anti-Semitism. So does the final declaration of the unofficial NGO Forum, held in parallel with the Conference, where the most controversial rhetoric took place.[4] Accordingly, anti-Semitism is taken into account in follow-up activities to the Conference.

 Additionally, in 2004 both the Commission and the Assembly have included specific mention of anti-Semitism in their respective resolutions on the elimination of religious intolerance, which govern the work of another special rapporteur.[5]

 A parallel venue for examining allegations of anti-Semitism is provided by the expert committees supervising implementation of the major international human rights treaties, several of which contain provisions of relevance to the problem. Recent documents of the Human Rights Committee, the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights Committee, and the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, show that they regularly inquire about anti-Semitic incidents in assessing States’ performance under the treaties. NGOs are allowed to submit "shadow reports" where additional information and analysis on countries under review can be made available.[6]

 Why then the push for a General Assembly resolution on anti-Semitism? All the procedures mentioned above take a comprehensive approach that includes any group about which there are allegations of human rights violations. But the World Jewish Congress and other proponents of the idea have made it clear that they want a "stand-alone" resolution, with its own follow-up machinery. At a seminar on anti-Semitism held at the United Nations in June 2004, Edgar Bronfman of WJC complained that no UN official was responsible for combating rising anti-Semitism, and called on the Secretary-General to appoint a special representative and issue annual reports.[7]

 Underpinning the proposal for separate treatment are arguments that anti-Semitism is "a virus" that has survived since antiquity and combines all other group hatreds, and is "no longer political, social, religious or ethnic – [but] existential, metaphysical"[8]; "a plague of a different kind that does not conform to the norms and boundaries of other types of hate."[9] However, recent statements by these organizations show an interesting conceptual evolution that betrays a very political agenda.

 In the mid-1990s, at the height of the Oslo peace process, the Coordinating Board of Jewish Organizations in a submission to the special rapporteur on racism defined anti-Semitism as "an irrational hatred of the Jewish people…[resulting in] violence against Jews and Jewish institutions", without mentioning either Zionism or Israel.[10] But recently, against the background of the second Intifada, Sharon’s re-invasion of the occupied territories, and the events of 9/11, new formulations are presented which increasingly conflate Jews, Zionism, the state of Israel, the policies of its government, and by extension, the Bush administration’s "war on terror". In this perspective, criticism of the Israeli government’s occupation policies is seen as an attack against the state, which translates into an attack against Zionism, which in turn translates into an attack against all Jews rooted in timeless anti-Semitism – and thus lends support to the objectives of radical Islam.[11] It is probably not a coincidence that the State Department’s report on anti-Semitism includes "demonization of Israel, or vilification of Israeli leaders" along with "hatred toward Jews" in its definition.[12]

 Since much of the international debate about ending the occupation takes place within the normative and political framework of the United Nations, the organization itself (and not just individual states or groups of states, as in the past) has increasingly become the target of accusations of anti-Semitism. The WJC petition is accompanied by a paper entitled "History of United Nations anti-Semitism", riddled with distortions and misrepresentations that unfortunately cannot be answered in detail here.[13] Speakers at the seminar mentioned above charged variously that the UN is "the leading global purveyor of anti-Semitism", that it "demonizes and de-legitimizes the Jewish people" and "deifies the Palestinians", and demanded that it "make fundamental changes". Following the example of UN Watch, an offshoot of the WJC active in Geneva for a number of years, several organizations now monitor different sectors of the UN dealing with the Palestinian question, and issue condemnations of their work.

 Strictly speaking, this is not a new strategy since bodies such as the Human Rights Commission’s Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices in the Occupied Territories and the General Assembly’s Committee on Palestinian Rights (both modeled on mechanisms established to combat apartheid) have been under attack since their inception in the 1960s and 1970s; every UN conference on racism since the 1970s has also been condemned. Charging bias and selectivity, successive Israeli governments have refused to cooperate, or have cooperated only partially, with UN bodies dealing with the occupation (ironically including those, mentioned earlier, on which Israel relies to investigate anti-Semitic incidents).

 What is new is the aggressiveness and ubiquitousness of the campaign to denigrate the work not just of the political bodies but also of those dealing with economic, social, humanitarian and legal issues. Accusations of bias have been leveled at both the UN Development Program and the Office of Humanitarian Affairs; the UN agency for Palestinian refugees UNRWA, long a target of criticism, has increasingly been under attack for allegedly providing a cover for Palestinian militants.[14] The recent meetings of the States parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention (which include practically all countries of the world) and of the International Court of Justice, the UN’s primary judicial organ, represent a significant expansion of the normative framework for addressing the occupation; they have also been convened through General Assembly resolutions bypassing the Security Council (where Israel is assured of a US veto), and have accordingly aroused considerable concern among Israel’s supporters. The ensuing decisions that the Fourth Geneva Convention applies to the occupied territory, including Jerusalem, and that Israel as the occupying Power is not at liberty to change its physical and demographic character by building the wall, have been greeted with a chorus of accusations of unfairness and politicization of humanitarian and legal mechanisms.[15]

 Also new are the increasingly personalized attacks against UN officials for daring to uphold UN principles. Some recent examples from the website of just one organization (where, incidentally, the UN is reached by clicking on "international anti-Semitism") include condemnations of the Secretary-General not only for making statements and issuing reports deemed "biased" but also for reminding the Israeli government of its obligations under humanitarian law; even for welcoming the unofficial Geneva accords.[16]

 Since the invasion of Jenin by the Israeli army in 2002, abuse has been heaped on the two most senior UN officials in Gaza, Terje Roed Larsen (UN coordinator for the peace process) and Peter Hansen (head of UNRWA) for having dared to criticize the destruction and civilian casualties.[17] Larsen was quietly moved to a different assignment some months ago. Hansen, under renewed attack both by conservative Jewish organizations and in the US Congress after condemning house demolitions and the killing of children in Gaza, did not have his contract renewed despite his desire to stay on.[18] Additionally, in recent months calls have been made for the dismissal of John Dugard, special rapporteur on the human rights situation in the occupied territories, and Jean Ziegler, special rapporteur on the right to food, for unfairness to Israel in their examination of the plight of Palestinians living under occupation. Dugard, a well-known South African lawyer, was excoriated for making a comparison with apartheid, and Ziegler for asking Caterpillar to stop selling its bulldozers to the Israeli military (thus raising the specter of much-feared divestment campaigns).[18]

 These examples show that the concern about anti-Semitism as a form of religious and ethnic intolerance (which could be combated by using existing international mechanisms), has transmogrified into an all-out campaign by conservative Jewish organizations to reject any criticism of the Israeli government and ultimately even to change the fundamental principles that still govern the international approach to the Israel/Palestine conflict. Unfortunately, the barrage of accusations seems to have led the UN Secretariat to try to reach an accommodation with these organizations: at the seminar mentioned above, no defense of UN activities was proffered and speakers were mostly from the same conservative organizations, thus allowing them to set the tone and the agenda, which was largely an exercise in UN-bashing. By not including the many progressive Jewish voices that are challenging the prevailing orthodoxy, a real opportunity was lost to engage in serious dialogue about the meaning of "anti-Semitism" and about how a just solution to the conflict can be achieved. One can only hope that this is not the shape of things to come at the UN.[20]

Related Links
BY TOPIC: The New Anti-Semitism

Laura Reanda is a former United Nations official, where she worked from 1973 to 1998 successively in the Center against Apartheid, the Center for Human Rights and the Division for Palestinian Rights. She was head of the latter Division from 1992 to 1998. She now writes and lectures on international human rights, women’s rights, and the Israel/Palestine conflict.

1. The petition has been sent out by mail and is also posted on the WJC website, The two texts differ in various ways; a request for clarification remains unanswered.
2. CHR resolution 1994/64 of 2/9/94.
3. GA resolution 59/177 of 12/20/04. The most recent reports of the rapporteur are in CHR document E/CN.4/2004/18 and GA document A/59/329 (available at
 4. The Declaration and Program of Action of the official conference are at: ; the NGO declaration is at:
5. CHR resolution 2004/36 of 4/19/04; GA resolution 59/199 of 12/20/04. It should be noted that the rapporteur’s mandate is broad enough that he was already paying attention to anti-Semitism even in the absence of submissions from either Israel or Jewish NGOs/
6. Relevant documents can be retrieved by searching for "anti-Semitism" in the treaty bodies database on the UN human rights website,
7. UN press release HR/4773.
8. Ibid., keynote speech by Eli Wiesel.
9. Letter from WJC accompanying the mailed petition.
10. UN document E/CN.4/1996/72, annex II (available at
 11. See statement by the Coordinating Board of Jewish Organizations at the 2004 session of the CHR (
12. The report is available at
13. The paper is at For a detailed critique, contact this author at
14. Anti-Defamation League (, press releases of 12/21/04 and 10/24/03. For a point-by-point rebuttal of charges made by Eli Wiesel against UNRWA, see, click on "Setting the record straight".
15. ADL press release of 7/9/04; American Jewish Committee (, press release of 12/3/01.
16. ADL press releases of 9/4, 11/10 and 12/1/03; and 3/19/02.
17. Anne Bayefsky, "The UN and the Jews". For this and other writings posted on a website devoted to attacking the UN, see
 18. The Guardian (UK), 1/20/05.
19. ADL press release of 10/15/04 and UN Watch ( release of 7/21/04.
20. There are many alternative writings on anti-Semitism. For some thoughtful examples available on the web see: Ran HaCohen, "Letter from Israel: Abusing anti-Semitism", 9/29/03 (; Brian Klug, "The myth of the new anti-Semitism", 1/15/04 (; Joel Kovel, “On left anti-Semitism and the special status of Israel?  Tikkun, 5/9/03 (; Tony Judt, "Goodbye to all that?" 12/16/04 (